|
Taking Stock in America
Resiliency, Redundancy and Recovery
in the U.S. Economy
A Balanced Life
Amid headlines about terrorist attacks,
it's easy to forget how far the United States has come in
making life safer and more secure.
In the five-year period ending in 2000,
deaths on American roads averaged 15.9 per billion miles driven,
compared with 53.3 in the five years ending in 1970 and 82.7
for the immediate post–World War II period. (See Exhibit
10.) The skies have been getting safer, too. The five-year
average for deaths per billion passenger miles flown fell
from 16.7 in 1950 to 1.3 in 1970 to 0.14 in 2000.
| Exhibit 10 |
| We Get Around |
| Transportation: Scope and Safety |
|
U.S. Annual Averages |
1946-1950 |
1966-1970 |
1996-2000 |
|
Billions of miles driven |
398 |
1,020 |
2,624 |
|
Motor vehicle fatalities |
32,966 |
54,318 |
41,755 |
|
Deaths per billion miles driven |
82.7 |
53.3 |
15.9 |
|
Billions of miles flown |
8 |
110 |
630 |
|
Airline fatalities |
140 |
145 |
90 |
|
Deaths per billion of miles flown |
16.7 |
1.3 |
0.14 |
|
The toll of death and disease has been
dramatically reduced. Annual deaths per 1 million people are
at an all-time low. The age-adjusted death rate has fallen
by 40 percent since 1950. And since 1900 it's dropped by two-thirds,
evidence of the steady progress we've made. Fatalities from
nearly all major diseases have declined sharply from their
peak rates. (See Exhibit 11.)
The rate of fatalities due to natural
causes fell from 1,349 per 100,000 people in 1950 to 826 in
1999, the most recent data available. Accidents and deaths
are declining both at home and on the job. So are fatalities
associated with natural disasters.
As a wealthy nation, we can afford to
spend time and money to reduce life's risks, both economic
and physical. We can put burglar alarms on our homes and cars.
We can buy insurance on our property and our lives. We can
reduce the financial risks of illness and old age by taking
part of our pay in health benefits and retirement savings.
Today, we have investment opportunities
available to only the wealthiest people even two decades ago.
In 2000, nearly half of Americans owned mutual funds, and
there were more than 8,200 funds to serve them. The diversification
of investments makes individual Americans, and the country
as a whole, less vulnerable to economic disruption.
Making America a safer place owes much
to advances in engineering and technology. Divided highways,
better roads, antilock brakes, radial tires and air bags are
reducing the highway death toll. Sophisticated weather-forecasting
gear provides warnings of severe weather, so we can take refuge
in time. New medicines and treatments have reduced the incidence
of fatal diseases.
Greater safety and security didn't come
about by accident. It's what we, as a people, want. We put
a high value on our lives and physical well-being, and we'll
pay to protect ourselves against the sometimes unpleasant
facts of life.
Safety and security are part of a balanced
life. As our nation has grown richer, we've asked our economic
and political systems to deliver a wide range of benefits.
As a society, we can trade off some of one benefit to get
more of another—for example, give up material goods for more
leisure, pay raises for better working conditions. If after
September 11 we want more safety and security, we have the
luxury of being able to afford it.
We might, for instance, give up some
convenience or leisure time to go through the additional passenger
screenings that will make flying safer. We can reduce individual
consumption—by accepting higher government spending—to bolster
our national defense. In fact, that's already happening. In
the weeks and months following the attacks, Congress provided
more than $60 billion for economic recovery and responding
to the threats to our nation—five times the previous year's
antiterrorism spending. In President Bush's proposed budget
for 2003, outlays for defense and national security would
increase by 14 percent from their present levels.
Like all aspects of economic life, the
pursuit of security involves trade-offs. What we want is a
balanced life, where we don't pay large prices for small gains.
In the emotional atmosphere of national tragedy, the temptation
lies in sacrificing all on the altar of security. That's not
how we, as consumers and workers, live our lives. We accept
a degree of risk every day—just by driving a car, for example.
Even after September 11, workers are still reporting to jobs
in skyscrapers, implicit proof that they consider the risks
low relative to the rewards.
The private sector makes trade-offs
as a matter of routine. Indeed, that is the function of prices—to
reveal the cost of one good versus another. The market also
allows us to make individual choices. Those who want more
home security can spend extra money on motion detectors and
laser beams, sacrificing the consumption of other goods and
services. Those who fear flying can travel by car.
When it comes to public goods, governments
encounter neither the discipline of relative prices nor the
ability to accommodate individual preferences. The danger
lies in increasing security in ways that sacrifice too much
freedom, unduly penalize exporters, unnecessarily destroy
jobs or ignore excess costs. We could, for example, make traveling
safer by doubling or tripling passenger screenings—then doubling
or tripling them again. At some point, the cost will outweigh
the benefit.
Life is inherently risky. Misfortunes
and tragedy occur far too often, and protecting ourselves
must be weighed against cost and convenience. We'll never
achieve a perfect safety record. Nor will the threat of terrorism
disappear. We as Americans face a future in which we'll need
to be more vigilant, examining our security systems and behaviors
to reduce the risk.
| Exhibit 11 |
| A Matter of Life and Death |
| Life Expectancy |
 |
| Deaths Due to Natural Causes |
 |
| Age-Adjusted Death Rates |
 |
| Deaths from Disease |
 |
| Natural Disaster Fatalities per 100,000
People |
 |
|
| 
|