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Issue 2, 2000
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas
El Paso Branch
U.S.–Mexico Trade: Sectors and Regions
Trade between the United States and
Mexico covers many sectors and spans all regions of the two
countries. This article examines U.S.–Mexico intra-industry
and product-specific trade and looks at bilateral trade activity
at the state level and at the U.S.–Mexico border.
Sectoral Bilateral Trade
Intra-Industry Trade. When
the possibility of a North American Free Trade Agreement was
first being discussed, analysts speculated about which sectors
of the U.S. economy would end up as "winners" or "losers"
through such an agreement. A winner was interpreted as a sector
whose exports would rise through NAFTA; a loser was a sector
whose imports from the other two countries would rise. There
are at least two misleading elements in this way of looking
at trade. First, imports per se should not be viewed as contributing
a "loss" for a country; imports make available a greater
variety of consumer goods or producer inputs, often at lower
prices than the domestically produced versions. Second, since
in most economies any given sector or industry generates both
exports and imports, the distinction between the export and
import sectors is blurred. Two-way trade occurs within virtually
any industry. In fact, intra-industry trade represents a significant
portion of world trade today. Moreover, the great majority of
U.S.–Mexico trade—about 80 percent—is intra-industry.[1]
Table 1 lists the top 15 U.S. exports
to Mexico and the top 15 U.S. imports from Mexico during 1999.
Twelve categories that show up as top U.S. exports also appear
on the list of top U.S. imports. For example, electrical machinery
and appliances constituted the leading U.S. export to Mexico
in 1999; yet, this group of products was also the United States'
second-largest import from Mexico. Motor vehicles were the
second largest U.S. export to Mexico but also the top U.S.
import from Mexico.
This two-way exchange within the same
industry reflects the specialization that occurs through trade.
It can imply any of the following:
- Each country is sending the other
a totally different product within the same industrial category.
Within electrical machinery and appliances, for example,
the United States sends dishwashers to Mexico while Mexico
sends ignition wiring sets to the United States.
- Each country is sending the
other a differentiated version of the same product. Within
electrical machinery and appliances, the United States and
Mexico send vacuum cleaners to each other but of a different
variety. Under motor vehicles, the United States sends Mexico
Cadillacs, while Mexico sends Volkswagen New Beetles to
the United States.
- Each country is sending the
other essentially the same product but at a different stage
of production. In the electrical machinery and appliances
category, the United States sends Mexico television picture
tubes, while Mexico sends television receivers—entire
TV sets—to the United States.
The third case, in fact, is an example
of U.S.–Mexico trade through the maquiladora industry,
also known as production sharing.[2] Chart 1 shows examples
of intra-industry, or two-way, trade in selected products
between the United States and Mexico.
NAFTA and Product-Specific Trade
To determine the NAFTA-specific
impact on U.S.–Mexico trade at the sectoral level, it
is useful to look at examples of products that were actually
liberalized through NAFTA, that is, those products whose tariffs
NAFTA either reduced or eliminated. On the U.S. side, two
products that NAFTA affected positively are computers and
tractors. Prior to NAFTA, U.S. exports of computers and tractors
faced average Mexican tariffs of 17.3 percent [3] and 15 percent,[4]
respectively. On Day 1 of the agreement—January 1, 1994—Mexican
tariffs on most computer exports were totally eliminated.
As seen in Chart 2, after growing 4.1 percent in 1993, U.S.
computer exports jumped 39.5 percent in 1994 in response to
the duty-free status they enjoyed in Mexico as of that year.
Although computer exports dropped the following year—the
result of both the peso devaluation and crisis conditions
in the Mexican economy [5]—growth from 1996 onward was
mainly positive, averaging more than 27 percent per year during
1996–99. U.S. computer exports to Mexico grew to $1.8
billion in 1999, up from $369.5 million in 1990.
U.S. tractor exports showed negative
growth of 29.1 percent in 1993, just prior to NAFTA, but grew
17.2 percent after NAFTA started in 1994 (Chart 3). As with
computers, tractor exports declined in 1995 due to Mexico's
weak economic conditions, but they rebounded the following year
and averaged growth of more than 54 percent per year during
1996–99 in spite of a decline last year. U.S. tractor
exports to Mexico grew to $136.9 million in 1999, up from $86
million in 1990.
A Mexican product that NAFTA has impacted
positively is television sets. Prior to NAFTA, Mexican TVs
faced an average U.S. tariff of 4.5 percent.[6] NAFTA eliminated
U.S. tariffs on Mexican TVs. As a result of free access to
the U.S. market, Mexican TV exports to the United States jumped
42.5 percent in 1994. Exports rose thereafter, averaging annual
growth of 15.2 percent during 1995–99 (Chart 4). Mexican
TV exports to the United States climbed to $4.3 billion in
1999, up from $916.3 million in 1990.
Because NAFTA opened up the U.S. market
significantly to Mexico's textiles and apparel goods,
exports to the United States of many products in this sector
have risen significantly. Because of NAFTA, overall textiles
and apparel exports to the United States increased 419 percent
during 1993–99. In fact, in 1998 Mexico surpassed China
as the top supplier for the United States of these products.
One example of a product category that was greatly liberalized
through NAFTA is men's and boys' woven apparel.
These products faced a U.S. tariff of more than 21 percent
in 1993.[7] At the start of NAFTA in 1994, tariffs were totally
eliminated. Since then, Mexican exports of men's and
boys' woven apparel to the United States have grown by
nearly 745 percent, to $84.5 million in 1999 versus $10 million
in 1993 (Chart 5).
Other examples abound of how product-specific
trade between the United States and Mexico has benefited as
a result of NAFTA's reduced or zero tariffs. This dynamic
has so strengthened overall U.S.–Mexico ties that each
country has turned into the top supplier of many goods for
the other. Table 2 lists products for which Mexico is the
No. 1 supplier to the United States, while Table 3 lists products
for which the United States has achieved top supplier status
in Mexico. Although each country already enjoyed a strong
trade position for many products prior to NAFTA, the agreement
has helped consolidate and enhance each country's importance
as a source of supply for the other.
Bilateral Export By State
U.S.–Mexico trade activity
involves all states within the United States and Mexico. All
50 U.S. states, in addition to the District of Columbia, Puerto
Rico and the Virgin Islands, export to Mexico. Likewise, all
Mexican states, plus the Federal District (Mexico's equivalent
of the District of Columbia), export to the United States.
As expected, while some states in each country are high exporters,
others are negligible participants in this bilateral trade
scene.
U.S. Exports to Mexico by State.
Table 4 shows U.S. exports to Mexico
for the top 25 exporting states in 1999, along with the state's
top export to Mexico in 1999 and gain in exports to Mexico
during NAFTA's first six years. The rankings are based
on origin-of-movement (OM) data gathered by the U.S. Census
Bureau's Foreign Trade Division and compiled by the Massachusetts
Institute for Social and Economic Research (MISER). (For a
more detailed discussion of export data, see the box entitled
"MISER State Export Data Series.")
Of all the states, Texas generates the highest level of U.S.
exports to Mexico. In 1999, Texas exports to Mexico reached
$41.4 billion and represented 47.6 percent of the country's
total exports to Mexico. During NAFTA's first six years,
Texas exports to Mexico grew more than 103 percent. Other
top exporting states to Mexico in 1999 were California, Arizona,
Michigan, Illinois, North Carolina, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania
and Louisiana.
Mexico's Exports to the United
States by State. Mexico's
Federal District, which comprises the nation's capital,
Mexico City, generated the largest level of exports to the
United States in 1999.[8] This area's exports reached
$21.2 billion and represented over 17 percent of the country's
total. Other top 10 exporters to the United States were Chihuahua,
Baja California, Tamaulipas, Nuevo León, Puebla, Sonora,
Coahuila, state of Mexico and Jalisco. Table 5 shows Mexico's
exports to the United States for the top 20 exporting states
in 1999 and the state's top export to the United States
that year.[9]
U.S.–Mexico Trade at the Border
As expected, a significant portion
of this trade goes through ports along the U.S.–Mexico
border. In 1999, almost 89 percent of U.S.–Mexico trade,
equivalent to $174.4 billion, went through the 27 ports of
entry along the border. Table 6 shows these border ports with
their 1999 bilateral trade levels. Not surprisingly, since
about half of the border the United States shares with Mexico
is with Texas, six of the top 10 border ports for U.S.–Mexico
trade are in this state, including the top two, Laredo and
El Paso.
Conclusion
Much of U.S.–Mexico trade
is intra-industry. This is a reflection of the specialization
within an industry, and across countries, that international
trade promotes. Beyond increasing overall trade between the
United States and Mexico, NAFTA has resulted in especially
dynamic bilateral trade growth in specific products that were
liberalized directly by the agreement. Although U.S.–Mexico
trade spans all regions within the two countries, some states
are more prominent exporters than others. The border between
the United States and Mexico plays a special role since it
is the conduit for the majority of U.S.–Mexico trade.
—Lucinda Vargas
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| MISER
State Export Data Series
State-specific
exports for the United States are
measured in two ways—origin
of movement (OM) and exporter location
(EL). OM data reflect the state from
which the merchandise starts its movement
to the port of export, while EL data
are based on the exporter's location.
Both data series are collected by
the U.S. Census Bureau's Foreign
Trade Division and compiled by the
Massachusetts Institute for Social
and Economic Research (MISER).
MISER has produced
the OM series since 1987 under an
agreement with the Foreign Trade Division.
MISER improves the Census Bureau's
unadjusted data, which contain records
with missing states and industries,
by filling in the missing information
through an imputation algorithm developed
at MISER and approved by the Census
Bureau. The data source is the Shippers
Export Declaration (SED).
In 1993 the
Census Bureau began the EL series
based on the state of the exporter,
which is also reported on the SED.
MISER fills in missing states and
industries in this series using the
same imputation algorithm as under
the OM series. The EL series has fewer
missing data than the OM series.
The Census Bureau
and MISER recognize that both series
have limitations. Under the OM series,
for example, the state reporting the
exports may not be the state where
the product was manufactured, grown
or mined; it may be the state of a
broker, wholesaler or freight consolidator.
As a result, the series may overstate
exports for the major port states
and understate exports for other states.
This explains why Louisiana appears
among the top 10 exporting states
under the OM series. Agricultural
crops from interior states are shipped
via the Mississippi River and leave
the United States through Louisiana,
where they are recorded as OM data.
The problem is more acute for agricultural
shipments, less so for manufactured
exports.
The EL series
incorporates data that even more frequently
than the OM series reflect the state
of a broker, a wholesaler or an exporting
company's headquarters or marketing
division, which may or may not be
in the same state where the export
was produced. As a result, according
to the EL series, New York is one
of the largest exporters of agricultural
products. Thus, both the OM and EL
series suffer from the same problem:
recording brokers, wholesalers or
company headquarters alongside actual
export generators or export locations.
Despite these limitations, however,
the MISER series are well accepted
data sources, and the MISER-adjusted
OM export series data are generally
acknowledged as the best available
on state exports.[1]
The differences
noted above become obvious in examining
state exports to Mexico under the
EL series. EL data for 1999 show lower
volumes for some states and higher
volumes for others than under the
OM series, yielding a slightly different
ranking of states by export volume.
The top 10 exporting states to Mexico
in 1999 under the EL series were,
in descending order, Texas, California,
Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Pennsylvania,
Ohio, Arizona, New York and North
Carolina. The EL series includes nine
of the top 10 states under the OM
series and also ranks Texas, California
and Illinois as No. 1, No. 2 and No.
5, respectively. However, it ranks
the remaining states differently and
replaces Louisiana with Indiana.
The two series
may also show variations in the states'
leading exports. For example, while
Pennsylvania's top export to
Mexico under the OM series in 1999
was chemicals and allied products,
it was electric and electronic equipment
under the EL series.
- The Census Bureau cautions that
neither the OM nor the EL series
completely measures the state and
local pattern of U.S. export production.
For more information on this topic,
see www.census.gov/foreign-trade/aip/elom.html
[off-site].
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About the Author
Vargas is a senior economist
at the El Paso Branch of the Federal Reserve Bank
of Dallas.
Notes
Jesus Cañas
contributed to this article.
- See Roy J. Ruffin, "The Nature and Significance
of Intra-Industry Trade," Federal Reserve
Bank of Dallas Economic and Financial Review,
Fourth Quarter 1999, pp. 2–9.
- The next issue of Business Frontier will focus
on NAFTA and maquiladoras. Also, for a recent
overview of the maquiladora industry, see Lucinda
Vargas, "The Binational Importance of the
Maquiladora Industry," Federal Reserve
Bank of Dallas Southwest Economy, Issue
6, November/December 1999, pp. 1–5.
- U.S. computer exports to Mexico are included
in tariff classification 8471 under the Harmonized
Tariff Schedule (HTS) of the United States.
This category includes the following product
groups: automatic data processing machines and
units thereof; magnetic or optical readers;
machines for transcribing data onto data media
in coded form; and machines for processing such
data, not elsewhere specified or included. This
tariff classification includes 22 subcategories
of computer or data processing equipment, of
which 16 had a pre-NAFTA tariff rate of 20 percent
and six had a 10 percent tariff rate. The 17.3
percent average tariff rate cited in the text
for computers is a simple average of all these
subcategories. NAFTA eliminated Mexican tariffs
on 16 of the 22 subcategories of computer exports
on January 1, 1994. The remaining six subcategories
saw their tariffs eliminated within a five-year
period, from 1994 through 1998, so that today
all computer exports enter Mexico duty-free.
- U.S. tractor exports to Mexico are included
in HTS tariff classification 8701, which comprises
vehicles constructed essentially for hauling
or pushing another vehicle, appliance or load,
whether or not they contain subsidiary provision
for the transport, in connection with the main
use of the tractor, of tools, seeds, fertilizers
or other goods. There are seven subcategories
under this tariff classification, of which two
have a tariff rate of 20 percent, two have a
10 percent rate and three have a 15 percent
rate. The average of all these rates is 15 percent,
the figure cited in the text. Moreover, tractor
exports fall under three different schemes of
tariff liberalization. Of the seven subcategories
of tractor exports, two had their tariffs removed
on January 1, 1994, at the start of the agreement;
four were to be liberalized within the agreement's
first five years, between 1994 and 1998, so
they are now duty-free; and the seventh was
to be liberalized within the agreement's
first 10 years, so will be duty-free in 2003.
- For a discussion of the impact on U.S.–Mexico
trade of Mexico's December 1994 peso devaluation
and 1995 economic crisis, see Federal Reserve
Bank of Dallas El Paso Branch Business Frontier,
Issue 1, 2000.
- Mexican exports of televisions to the United
States are included under HTS tariff classification
8528, which includes reception apparatus for
television, whether or not incorporating radio
broadcast receivers or sound or video recording
or reproducing apparatus, video monitors or
video projectors. Of the 16 subcategories that
compose this four-digit tariff classification,
prior to NAFTA nine subcategories had a 5 percent
tariff rate and seven had a 3.9 percent rate.
Thus, the average tariff for all 16 subcategories
was 4.5 percent, the figure cited in the text.
- Textiles and apparel products tend to have
complicated tariff and quota protection schemes.
In the case of woven apparel, a component of
these goods had a base tariff rate in 1993 equivalent
to 52.9 cents per kilogram plus 21 percent;
another component had a base rate of 7.5 percent.
This demonstrates that the tax applied to many
goods is rarely straightforward or standard;
it may vary by the specific subproduct and even
by the quantity of product or subproduct being
imported.
- The largest concentration of Mexican exports
to the United States is under an "insufficiently
specified" state category. When looking
at figures for specific locations, however,
the Federal District has the next highest concentration.
As with U.S. exports by state, Mexican export
data may reflect either the origin of movement
or the location of the exporter. Thus, the data
may imply the location of a broker, wholesaler
or distributor rather than the state where the
export product was generated. Mexican export
data do not define the collection method used,
nor do we know to what extent they overstate
or understate actual exports. However, it is
still possible to detect some overstatement,
as with the Federal District data. Because this
area has traditionally been an important center
of distribution for goods out of Mexico, the
export data may be capturing—at least
in part—the area's distribution role.
This is not to say, however, that the data do
not represent some of the area's export
generation since the Federal District does also
have an important export base.
- Mexican exports by state are not available
for the full period 1993–99.
About Business Frontier
Business Frontier
is published by the El Paso Branch of the Federal
Reserve Bank of Dallas. The views expressed are
those of the author and do not necessarily reflect
the positions of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas
or the Federal Reserve System.
Subscriptions are available
free of charge. Please direct requests for subscriptions,
back issues and address changes to the Public
Affairs Department, El Paso Branch, Federal Reserve
Bank of Dallas, 301 E. Main St., El Paso, TX 79901-1326;
call 915-521-5235 or 915-521-5233; fax 915-521-5228; or subscribe
via the Internet at www.dallasfed.org.
Articles may be reprinted
on the condition that the source is credited and
a copy of the publication containing the reprinted
material is provided to the Research Department,
El Paso Branch, Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas.
Editor: Lucinda Vargas
Publications Director: Kay Champagne
Design: Gene Autry
Layout & Production: Laura J. Bell |
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