Volume 7, Number 3
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas
Frank H. Knight—Origins
of the Chicago School of Economics
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Frank Knight is one of
history's most influential economists. A cofounder
of the famous Chicago school (with Jacob Viner),
Knight had a profound influence on those who
studied with him regardless of whether they
agreed with his ideas. That is the primary
legacy of any great teacher—that his
teachings live on in the work of not just his
followers but even his critics.
A crusty old skeptic
with no particular compelling classroom skills,
Knight yet managed to question just about everything
his students, and all visiting speakers to
Chicago, claimed to believe. His support for
the free market was based not on some utopian
ideology of the perfection of human institutions
but rather on the reverse premise: We simply
are not smart enough to control one another's
economic choices. Ever the pragmatist, and
like Adam Smith before him, Knight had little
faith in the power of human reason to improve
the human condition. He did, however, trust
in the outcomes produced by freely interacting
individuals to further societal welfare.
Few economists have achieved
Knight's pedagogic impact. For that reason,
we explore his life and work in this latest Economic
Insights and hope that it might be a point
of departure for readers who wish to examine
more closely this remarkable man and his ideas.
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Bob McTeer
President and Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas |
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Frank H. Knight – Origins
of the Chicago School of Economics
Economists use a shorthand method to
identify one another. They divide economic theory—and its practitioners —into
various "schools" of thought.[1] One of the most
famous collections of thinkers and theoreticians is the Chicago
school, housed at the University of Chicago. The cofounder
of this school, along with Jacob Viner, was Frank Hyneman
Knight. Because of his position at Chicago and the quality
of his students, Knight became quite influential, although
today his name is generally unknown to the public.
Knight was born in southern Illinois
in 1885, the first of 11 children. He attended several
small Southern schools
before enrolling at the University of Tennessee, where he
earned his bachelor's and master's degrees in two years.
He then entered Cornell University in 1913. After a year
in the philosophy department, he switched to economics because
his professors decided that his extreme skepticism would
be more profitably employed there. His economics dissertation—"A
Theory of Business Profit," completed in 1916— was
revised and published in 1921 under the title Risk, Uncertainty
and Profit. It has become a classic in the field.
From his earliest days as a teacher,
Knight's defining approach to economic theory—and most everything else—was
a hard-nosed, often entertaining skepticism. Despite his
idiosyncrasies and curmudgeonly demeanor, Knight's students
continually bestowed on him the distinction of having greatly
influenced their thinking. Among these students were empiricists
Milton Friedman and George Stigler, whose own approaches
to economic problem solving were often attacked by their
mentor. Knight was opposed to the use of mathematical models
stuffed with real-world data. He did not believe that prediction
in economics was the benchmark against which theories ought
to be judged. However, he did agree with one of his most
famous students—Friedman— that theoretical assumptions
were, by necessity, unrealistic. Many of his students disagreed
with him on this and other points; yet as a teacher Knight
must be judged a great success if for no other reason than
that he taught four future Nobel Memorial Prize winners in
economics: Friedman, Stigler, James Buchanan and Paul Samuelson.
Knight himself would probably have gotten the award had he
not died shortly after it was added in 1969. The recipient
must be living when the award is made.
Knight and the Free Market
Knight leveled some corrosive criticisms at capitalism and, simultaneously,
punctured Marxist and institutionalist anticapitalist economic theory. He
was especially sarcastic when criticizing egalitarian claims because he viewed
society as a complex game in which there would always be winners and losers.[2]
But he also believed that, in the long run, income disparities would widen
under capitalism. Although he sometimes backed down when pressed on the point,
especially by Friedman, he never changed his mind about this important tendency
of capitalism, at least as he saw it. Being suspicious of reform and all
alternative systematic thinking about the economy, he finally defended capitalism
on the completely pragmatic grounds that it may not be perfect, but it was
better than all the alternatives suggested by its critics.
As Breit and Ransom (1971, 197) put it:
Like David Hume, he
rejected the view that the solution of social problems
is to be found by the direct
approach to them. And like Adam Smith, he had little hope
that social reformers or "do-gooders" would solve
problems and he thus was willing to allow the markets to
solve them.
Knight's attitude of allowing markets to work out economic
problems led him not only to criticize avowedly antimarket
theorists such as Marx but also to respond to other types
of market critics. One of his most famous responses was to
the doctrine of market failure developed in A. C. Pigou's
famous 1920 book The Economics of Welfare. In that
work, Pigou argued that examples of market failure were easy
to find because of the pervasiveness of external costs and
benefits that "spilled over" from market transactions.
Pigou did not argue that each of these instances of presumed
externalities automatically called for government to step
in and regulate the market.
However, many economists who came after him enthusiastically
used Pigou's idea to push for more government market interventions.
But Knight was not among them, and he responded to one of
Pigou's alleged examples of market failure so persuasively
that Pigou removed it from subsequent editions of his book.
In this case, Knight proved that Pigou's road use example
wasn't a failure of the market at all but a failure of government
to specify accurate property rights for scarce resources.[3]
Over the ensuing decades, economists questioned in detail
all cases of claimed market failure and began to search for
examples of government failure as well.
Knight stood almost alone among
his contemporaries in his eclectic support for the market
process and in his position
on what economics was ultimately about. He rejected the simple,
utility-maximizing, libertarian–utilitarian approach
to economic theorizing that characterized the majority view
during his lifetime, especially at the University of Chicago.
For Knight, the central issue was how freedom can be maintained
given that people, using a highly flawed technique they call
reason, continually develop alleged scientific utopias against
which they measure actual outcomes. Knight's critical arrows
were aimed at not just Marxists but any thinker—especially
an economist—who approached economic questions from
any viewpoint other than Knight's quasi-theological one.
For Knight, a sort of economic
Calvinist, labor was not a mere disutility but gave life
purpose. People did not always
act out of self-interest, nor were their preferences somehow
generated internally, nor were those preferences consistent
over time. Where he and so many others saw a breakdown in
the market order, or of "bourgeois society," Knight
alone attributed it to a breakdown in people's morals. To
him, social problems are almost always moral in nature, not
structural or political. Ultimately, Knight supported the
market on moral grounds, not efficiency ones; he believed
freedom was itself the ultimate good, enabling people to
trade with one another irrespective of their religious or
cultural differences, based on their reasoning as to what
is important and worth pursuing. What was missing from defenses
of free markets, he thought, was a fundamental, moral brief
supporting this social arrangement. He believed economists
had failed to provide one because their concerns and methods
did not allow them to see that their attempt to be "value
free" was a sophisticated delusion driven by scientism.[4]
As Stigler writes about the place
of economics in Knight's view of the world, its primary
function "is to contribute
to the understanding of how by consensus based on rational
discussion we can fashion liberal society in which individual
freedom is preserved and a satisfactory economic performance
achieved. This vast social undertaking allows only a small
role for the economist, and that role requires only a correct
understanding of the central core of value theory."[5]
Legacy of the Chicago School
Knight is clearly the intellectual godfather of the Chicago school. Even students
who disagreed with him on many issues relate that he was the professor who
most influenced them during their days at the University of Chicago. The
Chicago school is far from some monolithic set of beliefs to which all its
members subscribe. Knight's extreme skepticism and lack of slavish deference
to authority became the twin pillars of the school's long and storied approach
to theory and policy, and that is Knight's enduring legacy.
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Robert L. Formaini
Senior Economist |
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| Notes
- Alternatively, after Thomas Kuhn, economists
refer to paradigms. A paradigm is a disciplinary
matrix by which a group of people interpret
the world around them. See Kuhn (1996).
- Formaini (1999).
- The details of the exchange can be found
in Breit and Ransom (1971, 192–96).
- On scientism, see Hayek (1988), especially
chapters 1, 4 and 5.
- Stigler (1987, 58).
Sources and Suggested
Reading
Breit, William, and Roger Ransom (1971), The
Academic Scribblers: American Economists in
Collision (New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston).
Formaini, Robert
(1999), "Evolution of
the Regulatory State: The Mixed Economy Viewed
Through a Complexity Lens," Journal
of Private Enterprise 15 (Fall): 67–97.
Hayek, F. A. (1988), The Fatal Conceit,
ed. W. W. Bartley (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press).
Knight, Frank H. (1956), On the History
and Method of Economics (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press).
——— (1971), Risk, Uncertainty
and Profit (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press), orig. pub. 1921.
——— (1999), Selected Essays
by Frank H. Knight, vols. 1 and 2, ed.
Ross B. Emmett (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press).
Kuhn, Thomas S. (1996), The Structure of
Scientific Revolutions (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press).
Nelson, Robert H. (2001), Economics as Religion:
From Samuelson to Chicago and Beyond (University
Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University Press).
Stigler, George (1987), "Frank Hyneman
Knight," in The New Palgrave: A Dictionary
of Economics, vol. 3, ed. John Eatwell,
Murray Milgate and Peter Newman (New York: Stockton
Press), 55–59. |
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Knight's
Personal Oxymoron: Principled Pragmatism
I also spoke earlier of
philosophizing, or preaching, in contrast with
more objective discourse. A
sermon should have a text, and I have found a
suitable one in the gospel according to "Saint" the
Marquis de Talleyrand-Périgord: The only
good principle is to have no principles (le
seule bon principe est de n'en avoir aucun).
Talleyrand, to be sure, is not regularly listed
among the evangelists. But he was in fact a bishop
in the Church, and another churchman, of the
civilized eighteenth-century French pattern,
the abbot Galiani, had earlier stated the same
creed. And anyhow, the saying suits my purpose
as a text. It is, no doubt, usually enjoyed and
dismissed as a witty cynicism; but I propose
to treat it quite seriously, as a starting point.
Not literally, I admit. It is an epigram; and
an epigram has been defined as a half-truth so
stated as to be especially annoying to those
who believe in the other half. I wish to stress
both halves, the value of principles as well
as their limitations. Accordingly, I must reword
the text into one of rather the opposite literal
import. The right principle is to respect all
the principles, take them fully into account,
and then use good judgment as to how
far to follow one or another in the case in hand.
All principles are false, because all are true—in
a sense and to a degree; hence, none is true
in a sense and to a degree which would deny to
others a similarly qualified truth. There is
always a principle, plausible and even sound
within limits, to justify any possible course
of action and, of course, the opposite one. The
truly right course is a matter of the best compromise
or the best or "least worst" combination
of good and evil. As in cookery, and in economic
theory, it calls for enough and not too much,
far enough and not too far, in any direction.
Moreover, the ingredients of policy are always
imponderable, hence there can be no principle,
no formula, for the best compromise. That laws
must be stated in sentences partly accounts for
the familiar "principle," "the
law is an ass." And if people don't have
good judgment, or won't use it, it is "just
too bad," for themselves and for others
over whom they have power.
—On the History and Method of Economics,
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Is Economics a Science?
In spite of all the foregoing, there is a science
of economics, a true, and even exact, science,
which reaches laws as universal as those of mathematics
and mechanics. The greatest need for the development
of economics as a growing body of thought and
practice is an adequate appreciation of the meaning,
and the limitations, of this body of accurate
premises and rigorously established conclusions.
It comes about in the same general way as all
science, except perhaps in a higher degree, i.e.,
through abstraction. There are no laws regarding
the content of economic behavior, but
there are laws universally valid as to its form.
There is an abstract rationale of all conduct
which is rational at all, and a rationale of
all social relations arising through the organization
of rational activity. We cannot tell what particular
goods any person will desire, but we can be sure
that within limits he will prefer more of any
good to less, and that there will be limits beyond
which the opposite will be true. We do not know
what specific things will be wealth at any given
place and time, but we know quite well what must
be the attitude of any sane individual toward
wealth wherever a social situation exists which
gives the concept meaning. In the same way we
know that in any productive operations on this
earth there are some general relations between
quantity of resources used and quantity of product
turned out.
These principles are only less abstract than
those of mathematics. It is never true in reality
that two and two make four; for we cannot add
unlike things and there are no two real things
in the universe which are exactly alike. It is
only to completely abstract units, entirely without
content, that the most familiar laws of number
and quantity apply. Yet no one questions the
practical utility of such laws. They are infinitely
more useful than they could be if they ever did
fit exactly any single concrete base, since all
that they lose in literal accuracy they gain
in generality of application. By not being strictly
true in any case they are significantly true
in all.
—Selected Essays by Frank H. Knight,
Vol. 1, 28–29. |
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Risk and Uncertainty Lead to a Theory of Profit
Our preliminary examination of the problem
of profit will show, however, that the difficulties
in this field have arisen from a confusion
of ideas which goes deep down into the foundations
of our thinking. The key to the whole tangle
will be found to lie in the notion of risk
or uncertainty and the ambiguities concealed
therein. It is around this idea, therefore,
that our main argument will finally center.
A satisfactory explanation of profit will bring
into relief the nature of the distinction between
the perfect competition of theory and the remote
approach which is made to it by the actual
competition of, say, twentieth-century United
States; and the answer to this twofold problem
is to be found in a thorough examination and
criticism of the concept of Uncertainty, and
its bearings upon economic processes.
But Uncertainty
must be taken in a sense radically distinct
from the familiar notion of Risk,
from which it has never been properly separated.
The term "risk," as loosely used
in everyday speech and in economic discussion,
really covers two things which, functionally
at least, in their causal relations to the
phenomena of economic organization, are categorically
different. The nature of this confusion will
be dealt with at length...but the essence of
it may be stated in a few words at this point.
The essential fact is that "risk" means
in some cases a quantity susceptible of measurement,
while at other times it is something distinctly
not of this character; and there are far-reaching
and crucial differences in the bearings of
the phenomenon depending on which of the two
is really present and operating. There are
other ambiguities in the term "risk" as
well, which will be pointed out; but this is
the most important. It will appear that a measurable uncertainty,
or "risk" proper, as we shall use
the term, is so far different from an unmeasurable one
that it is not in effect an uncertainty at
all. We shall accordingly restrict the term "uncertainty" to
cases of the non-quantitive (sic) type. It
is this "true" uncertainty, and not
risk, as has been argued, which forms the basis
of a valid theory of profit and accounts for
the divergence between actual and theoretical
competition.
—Risk, Uncertainty and Profit,
19–20. |
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Socialism
as an "Answer" for Business Cycles
With reference to the
use of the cyclical tendency as an argument
for collectivism, however—or
any sweeping action by government outside the
monetary field—two very important sets
of facts should be pointed out. In the first
place, with negligible exceptions, the business
cycle does not work to the advantage of any
significant group or interest in "capitalistic" society.
On the contrary, practically everyone suffers
heavily from it, incurring serious economic
loss, if not privation. Hence the problem of
cycle analysis does not arise out of and does
not involve conflict of interest. This means
that remedial action is a matter of economic
understanding and of political intelligence
and administrative competence, in matters of
an essentially technical character. The situation
would hardly seem to call for solution along
lines which would involve the most intense
conflicts of interest and would raise the most
serious political problems in that regard,
while, in addition, the technical organization
problems in connection with establishing and
operating a collectivist economy would presumably
be of infinitely greater magnitude than those
involved in the control of one detail of it,
the monetary system.
The second set
of facts relates to the nature of the problem
as it would present itself to
the government of a collectivist society. If
a collectivistic, or socialistic, state is
to preserve any of the traditional economic
liberties of individuals, it also must operate
on the basis of money and market transactions,
with prices of products and of productive services
controlled by competition, in essentially the
same manner as in the enterprise system. The
fact that the government would be the chief
owner of productive wealth, and the "entrepreneur" in
the great bulk of economic activity, would
not change things in that regard....In any
other sense, the argument for collectivism
from the standpoint of the problem of the business
cycle does not seem to have much force. The
general presumption is that, as already suggested,
the control of all features of a national economy
by a central authority would present much greater
difficulty than the control of one feature.
—On the History
and Method of Economics,
225–26. |
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Insights
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