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October 1999
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas
Finding Workers in a Low-Unemployment Era
Over the last few years, policymakers
have become increasingly concerned about finding workers.
With unemployment low, there is a widespread belief that labor
markets will inevitably tighten to the point at which wage
and price pressures will appear. Indeed, the most recent Federal
Open Market Committee statement cites "a decreasing pool
of available workers willing to take jobs" as a reason
to adopt a bias toward tightening in the future. Clearly,
finding workers in a low-unemployment era is a topic relevant
to the general public and the Federal Reserve alike.
In this presentation I address four
questions. First, precisely how low is the unemployment rate
relative to historical norms? Second, could it be the case
that tight labor markets are triggering inflation? Third,
are there sources from which additional workers can be obtained?
Finally, can government policy changes mitigate the problem
of tight labor markets, and does this have any implications
for the Fed?
The Unemployment Rate Today and Its
Relationship to Inflation
Over the last few decades, the
unemployment rate has been as high as 10.8 percent. It now
stands at a thirty-year low of 4.2 percent. Conventional wisdom
says tight labor markets make it difficult to find workers,
which leads to higher wages and higher prices. Could it be
the case that unemployment is too low?
Between 1985 and 1994, there appeared
to be an inverse relationship between unemployment and inflation.
In years when unemployment was low, inflation tended to be
relatively high. In years when unemployment was high, inflation
tended to be relatively low. If the relationship given in
Figure 2 were to hold today, an unemployment rate of 4.2 percent
would almost certainly trigger inflationary pressures.
The 1995 to 1998 period broke the pattern
of past years, however. Inflation and unemployment fell to
levels not seen in a generation, suggesting it is possible—at
least for a while—to have lower unemployment without
higher inflation.
But in 1999, a further reduction in
unemployment coincided with an increase in inflation. It is
certainly too early to say that a new era of higher inflation
is upon us. Indeed, some measures of inflation such as core
CPI are as low in 1999 as they were in 1998. Still, economists
and policymakers are beginning to wonder whether labor markets
are finally tight enough to trigger inflationary pressures.
Finding Workers
On average, the American economy
creates 228,400 jobs each month. Many of these jobs are filled
by immigrants or by teenagers who enter the job market for
the first time, but these sources of natural labor force growth
are not sufficient to maintain the current level of job creation.
Thus far, the gap has been filled in part by reductions in
the unemployment rate. However, the unemployment rate cannot
continue to decline forever. Other sources must be found for
workers.
Apart from demographics and a lower
unemployment rate, workers can be obtained either by raising
the population growth rate in America or by encouraging Americans
outside the labor force to enter it. With respect to population
growth, more births can make a contribution over the long
run, but immigration is the only way to increase a country's
population in a timely fashion. As far as increasing labor
force participation is concerned, there are at least two important
and under-utilized pools in America from which people could
be drawn into the labor force: retirees and welfare recipients.
Immigration
Immigration is still low relative
to historical norms. More importantly, demand for entry to
the United States remains (by a variety of measures) strong.
While an "open borders" policy is viewed as unrealistic
by most observers, a number of proposals have surfaced in
recent years to allow more skilled immigrants to enter the
country. Skilled immigrants possess badly needed talents,
can raise the overall productivity level in the American economy,
and are likely to have relatively low demand for the social
safety net.
Social Security Recipients
Labor force participation among
the population as a whole has been relatively stable during
the 1990s. However, beneath this placid surface lies important
differences for seniors. Senior labor force participation
is well below the rate for the population as a whole. To some
extent, this represents the fruit of a wealthier society—seniors
are now earning enough during their lifetimes that they can
afford to retire at an earlier age than could past generations.
But could any of it be due to bad government policy?
Figure 9 gives the estimated tax rate
of a hypothetical Social Security recipient between the ages
of 65 and 69 who chooses to work. Remarkably, workers of this
age are hit with four different forms of taxation. First,
they must pay income taxes on their earnings. Second, they
must pay the Social Security payroll tax. Third, they must
surrender 33 cents of their Social Security benefits for each
dollar they earn. Finally, a portion of their benefits are
themselves subject to the income tax. In the example given
here, the individual's marginal tax rate becomes 62.2 percent—high
enough to discourage almost any moderate-income senior from
working.
To some degree, this rate is offset
by a Social Security benefit adjustment such an individual
will receive later in life. But even if individuals are aware
of this and care enough about their long-term financial situation
to take it into account, they face a marginal tax rate almost
twice as high as a younger American would—42.2 percent
versus 22.6 percent.
Welfare Recipients
It may also be possible to encourage
greater labor force participation for welfare recipients.
Before welfare reform was implemented, the American welfare
system essentially gave a permanent allowance to any one-parent
family whose head of household did not work. As shown by Figure
10, the welfare reform law proposed in 1994 has—along
with the strong economy of recent years—had a dramatic
effect on the percent of American families who receive welfare.
Welfare recipiency is now down to its lowest level in thirty
years. And while conventional wisdom suggested most welfare
recipients would be unemployable, a recent government study
found that two-thirds of adults who leave the welfare rolls
move directly into a job and up to four-fifths work within
a year of leaving the welfare rolls.
Policy Proposals
A number of proposals have been
suggested to gain workers from these sources. Three such changes
are reforming the Social Security laws that discourage work
for people between the ages of 65 and 69, raising the number
of H1-B visas available to skilled foreign workers who wish
to immigrate to the United States, and continuing the welfare
reforms begun in the 1990s. Taken together, these proposals
would bring more than a million new workers into the labor
force over the next six years. No single policy change will
be sufficient in and of itself to deal with the problem of
labor market tightness. However, these three proposals, and
others like them, would go a long way toward alleviating labor
market tightness in the American economy.
Implications for the Fed
Our current unemployment situation,
the evolving relationship between unemployment and inflation,
and the available sources for new workers have at least four
implications for the Federal Reserve System. First, labor
markets are indeed tight and the Fed must continue to watch
for signs of inflation. Second, the Fed should not act with
undue haste against low unemployment because the once-strong
relationship between unemployment and inflation may have changed.
Third, it should be remembered that tight monetary policy
isn't the only possible response to tight labor markets. Finally,
better public policy can add workers to the American economy
and help sustain the current low-inflation, low-unemployment
era.
—Jason L. Saving
| About In Depth
This article is based on
a presentation by Jason L. Saving, economist ,
Research Department, Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas.
The views expressed are
those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect
the positions of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas
or the Federal Reserve System. |
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