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Issue 2, March/April 2003
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas
What Wages and Property Values Say
About Texas Cities
Two principal factors determine
which cities experience the most rapid economic growth: business
investment and labor growth. Business investment is high in
cities where productivity is high relative to the cost of
production. Workers are most attracted to cities where the
amenities and wages are high relative to the cost of living.
Together, wages and property values
convey considerable information about a city’s productivity
and amenities, and therefore about its growth potential. Taken
independently, however, neither provides a complete measure
of amenities and productivity. Wages could be low in a city
because productivity is low, but they could also be low because
people are willing to accept lower wages to live in a place
with so many amenities. High wages could indicate either high
productivity or the need to compensate workers for a lack
of amenities. Similarly, high property values indicate either
that high productivity has attracted enough business to bid
up property values, that high amenities have attracted enough
residents, or both.
A simple economics framework—one
that takes into account the role labor and capital mobility
plays in establishing regional market conditions—can
be used to sort through the contributions of productivity
and amenities to wages and property values. This framework
implies that Texas cities range from near to below the national
average in productivity for a variety of reasons that range
from educational attainment to government policy. One major
Texas city ranks above the national average in amenities,
but most are below. When Texas’ rapid population and
employment growth over the past decade is taken into account,
however, it is apparent that Texas offers a combination of
wages, property values, natural amenities and government policies
that is particularly attractive to labor. That attractiveness
has helped propel the state’s economic growth.
Labor
Mobility and Compensation
People seek to live and work in
cities or regions that offer the best overall compensation
package. The total compensation of living and working in a
region takes into account salary and benefits, natural amenities,
cost of living, government services and taxes. In a market
economy, people’s willingness to move between regions
fosters adjustments in wages (salary and benefits) and property
values such that on the margin individuals can expect to find
the same level of economic well-being in different cities
across the country. For a given set of amenities and government
policy, people will expect higher wages to live and work in
cities that have higher property values and will accept lower
wages in regions with lower property values. For labor, this
willingness establishes a positive relationship between wages
and property values (Chart 1).
To live in communities with greater
amenities or advantageous government policy, people will accept
either lower wages, higher property values or some combination.
The result is lower real wages (that is, wages adjusted for
the cost of living) in communities with greater amenities,
advantageous government policy or both. To live in regions
with lesser amenities or an unattractive government policy,
people will demand higher wages, lower property values or
both. The result is higher real wages.
Capital Mobility and Returns
When determining where to locate
their plants, firms seek the best returns on their capital
investment. In any city, the returns to capital are affected
by the city’s labor productivity, wages, property costs,
government services and taxes, and the natural amenities in
the region that affect production. In a market economy, the
movement of capital between cities ensures that capital earns
the same rate of return in each city. For a given level of
productivity, amenities and government policy, firms will
offer lower wages in cities that have higher property values
and will be willing to pay higher wages in regions with lower
property values. For capital, this willingness establishes
the inverse relationship between wages and property values
shown in Chart 1.
Firms that locate their operations in
regions with advantageous government policy or productive
natural amenities will accept higher property values, pay
higher wages or both. To locate their operations in regions
with less attrac tive government policies or fewer productive
amenities, firms will expect to pay lower property values,
lower wages or both.
Regional Market Conditions
Each city’s labor and capital
markets, taken together, yield a combination of wages and
property values that reflect the city’s labor productivity
and amenities, as shown in Chart 1.[1] In communities where
labor is more productive than the national average, nominal
wages will be above the national average. If that community
also has amenities that are at the national average, property
values will be sufficiently above the national average that
real wages (that is, wages adjusted for the cost of living)
remain at the national average.
In communities with above-average amenities,
labor will accept real wages below the national average. If
the community’s labor productivity is at the national
average, nominal wages will also be at the national average.
Property values will be sufficiently above the national average
to ensure that real wages are below the national average.
Productivity and Amenities in Texas
Cities
As described above, nominal and
real wages provide a basis for comparing the productivity
and amenities in Texas cities with their counterparts in other
states. Nominal wages reflect productivity; cities with above-average
labor productivity have above-average nominal wages, and cities
with below average labor productivity have below-average nominal
wages. Real wages reflect amenities; cities with above-average
amenities have below-average real wages, and cities with below-average
amenities have above-average real wages.
Therefore, we can use nominal and real
wages to measure the productivity and amenities in various
U.S. cities.[2] To create these measures, we adjust nominal
wages to account for the occupational mix of each city’s
workforce.[3] To create real wages, we adjust nominal wages
to account for the educational attainment and age of the labor
force and for differences in the median value of residential
property and other geographic differences in living expenses.[4]
As shown in Chart 2, U.S. cities can
be classified into four categories on the basis of their productivity
and amenities: low productivity/low amenity (Youngstown, Ohio);
high productivity/low amenity (Atlantic City); high productivity/high
amenity (San Francisco); and low productivity/high amenity
(Raleigh–Durham). Although Dallas is close to the national
average in both categories, all Texas cities rank below the
national average on labor productivity. Austin is relatively
close to the national average in productivity and the only
Texas city by this measure that has above-average amenities.
Beaumont is decidedly low in both labor productivity and amenities.

One factor that contributes to lower
labor productivity in Texas is a younger and less educated
population.[5] Another is the relatively heavy taxation on
business and the relatively light taxation on labor income.
This taxation pattern reduces the capital-to-labor ratio by
discouraging capital formation and encouraging labor in-migration.
From the perspective of labor, the relatively light taxation
of labor is an amenity that reduces the nominal wage required
for each property value (Chart 3). In a real sense,
labor considers the state’s tax policy an amenity and
is willing to accept lower real wages for the continuation
of such a policy. From the perspective of firms, the relatively
high business taxation is a disamenity that requires lower
wages at each given property value. The result is lower nominal
and real wages in Texas cities.

Differential Rates of Regional Economic
Growth
Our methodology—evaluating
labor productivity and amenities in U.S. cities by comparing
nominal and real wages—assumes a general equilibrium
in labor and capital markets across the country. This assumption
may be unwarranted for cities that have unusually strong growth.
More rapid growth occurs in regions where capital and labor
can make the highest returns.[6] More rapid employment growth
will occur in cities where labor finds real wages are high
(nominal wages are high relative to property values) given
the natural and government amenities. More rapid growth of
business capital will occur where nominal wages and property
values are low for the city’s labor productivity.
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As shown in Charts 4 and 5, Texas population
and manufacturing employment growth greatly outpaces the nation’s.[7]
This more rapid growth implies that labor finds Texas cities
have an unusually attractive mix of amenities, property values
and wages. In other words, a given real wage buys more amenities
in Texas than elsewhere in the country, and Chart 2 understates
the amenities of Texas cities.
As shown in Chart 6, Texas manufacturing
capital grew at about the same rate as the nation’s
during the 1990s. The similarity in growth rates implies that
nominal wages and property values in Texas cities are on par
with the state’s productivity. Thus, Chart 2 accurately
represents the labor productivity in Texas cities.

Productivity and Amenities of Texas
Cities
On the whole, the wages and property
values in Texas cities appear to accurately reflect the cities’
labor productivity. Low educational attainment and a high
share of taxes paid by business have helped keep the state’s
labor productivity below the national average. On the other
hand, labor finds that Texas offers an attractive combination
of wages, property values, and natural and government amenities—and
the low share of taxes paid by workers is one of those amenities.
Texas’ ability to attract labor has manifested itself
in a consis-tent pattern of population, employment and economic
growth that exceeds the national average.
—Stephen P. A. Brown and Lori
L. Taylor
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| About the Authors
Brown is director of energy
economics and microeconomic policy analysis and
Taylor is a senior economist and policy advisor
in the Research Department of the Federal Reserve
Bank of Dallas.
Notes
- This equilibrium analysis follows Jennifer
Roback (1982), “Wages, Rents and the Quality
of Life,” Journal of Political Economy
90 (December): 1257–78.
- This methodology follows Patricia E. Beeson
and Randall W. Eberts (1989), “Identifying
Productivity and Amenity Effects in Interurban
Wage Differentials,” Review of Economics
and Statistics 71 (August): 443–52.
- Adjusting nominal wages for occupational mix
prevents concentrations of particular occupations
from dominating a city’s productivity
estimates.
- These adjustments create a real wage for a
person who is comparable across regions.
- See Lori L. Taylor (2003), “Region Lags
Nation in Education Gains,” Federal Reserve
Bank of Dallas Southwest Economy, Issue
1, January/February, 1–5.
- In the process of uneven growth, markets work
toward a national equilibrium in which the rate
of return on capital is the same in each community;
labor is paid the value of its marginal product
as seen on a national market; and a combination
of nominal wages, property values and amenities
leaves market-clearing individuals with the
same degree of economic well-being in any community.
- The growth in manufacturing employment understates
the growth rate differential between Texas and
the nation. We use manufacturing employment
to maintain comparability with the capital data
we have.
About Southwest
Economy
Southwest Economy
is published six times annually by the Federal
Reserve Bank of Dallas. The views expressed are
those of the authors and should not be attributed
to the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas or the Federal
Reserve System.
Articles may be reprinted
on the condition that the source is credited and
a copy is provided to the Research Department
of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas.
Southwest Economy
is available free of charge by writing the Public
Affairs Department, Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas,
P.O. Box 655906, Dallas, TX 75265-5906, or by
telephoning (214) 922-5254. |
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